Kashmir Affairs - Security & Conflict Analysis of Kashmir

Glimpses of Hindu-Muslim Relations in Kashmir

Rattan Lal Hangloo
(March 2008)

Transcending from their animistic traditions, Kashmiris have changed and adopted many religions over the centuries. Stemming from various tribes in antiquity, they became Buddhists and contributed significantly in spreading it across China and Central Asia. From 4^th century A.D., while Buddhism was on the wane, they evolved region specific Shaivism, (Agamas) Vaishnavite, Tantric, Shakta traditions and Mother Goddess cults.

From tenth century A.D., Islamic influences began to permeate with increasing presence of Turks, Persians and Arabs who entered as soldiers, craftsmen, traders and Sufis. In 14^th century A.D., Kashmiris increasingly turned towards Islam at popular level and became Muslims as majority community. Most of the converts came from popular base, including the peasants, craftsmen and other professions. Those who continued to adhere to the Shaivism began to be termed as Pandits. Even though the conversion process from Hinduism to Islam continued, 14^th century A.D. marks a watershed in Hindu-Muslim relations. The examination of historical sources establishes the fact that barring some stray instances of force, the conversion was voluntary. Consequently, one does not come across a single piece of evidence illustrating public protest against the conversions.

In Kashmir, the first use of the term Hindukas was employed by the Sanskrit chronicler Jonaraja in early 15^th century. Until then the Hindus were as Buddhists, Shavites, Vaishnavites, Tantriks, Shaktas, and worshipers of varied mother Goddess and other cults. On many occasions Buddhists and Shavites clashed with each other very brutally. This was the case with other cults which ultimately got incorporated into Hinduism.

This needs to be emphasized that religion was perceived from a different perspective in medieval times than at present. Thought, the basic religious scriptures of both Muslims and Hindus were same, the public perception and practice of religion varied. Until most recent times the majority of Kashmiri people in both the communities, were illiterate with no access to their scriptures. Therefore, their understanding of religion was limited, occasionally tutored by their priestly. These priests rarely shared a moment with the vast community except on the occasions of death or a few other ceremonies. To see large crowds of worshipers both Hindus and Muslims in their respective spaces listening to sermons of their preachers and teachers is a recent phenomenon.

In my village Hangalgund, in Anantnag, also known as Islamabad, there were around fifty Hindu and thirty Muslim families. Majority of them had neither the time nor the scriptural understanding of their respective religions. The Muslims were professionally divided and this division was reflected in their practice of religion as well. Pandits lived in the centre of the village. On the southern border of the village were the Muslims who ran water mills or Greata hence called Greata Waeli. The northern border was inhabited by less than dozen of peasant families with one of them also engaged in tailoring. The western side was taken by more than a dozen houses of Dombes, who sold their labour like freemen in Western Europe. They were treated as the lowest category by their fellow Muslims and therefore faced wide discrimination; they could never smoke the same hookah or share the same space or a meal with the other two groups in the village. As if it was not enough, the water-millers and peasants along with the tailor family would not allow Dombes to participate in their social occasions like marriages etc. Their question of going to mosque did not arise at all. In Rajatarangini, Kalhana calls Dombes as lowest among the Hindu Varna or caste. Surprisingly after converting to Islam centuries ago, their position both socially and economically remained miserable and hence unchanged. None of them possessed Qura’n nor could they even read a single verse from it; it was not even a priority. Hangulgund had two very small mosques. One could accommodate four people and was subservient to the whims of Khaliq Khan, the tailor who rarely kept it open except for his chosen occasions. After his death, it disappeared so quickly that nobody even noticed it. The second one, situated on the beautiful riverbank in the area populated by the Greata waeli, was little bigger and could take half a dozen people. It also fell into disuse for want of worshipers or nimazis.

The village temple was no different. Its roof was recycled from rusted tin scrap from a couple of village grocers. The local Hindus did constitute a committee to oversee temple affairs that occasionally collected a meagre fund, but it ultimately found its way into the pocket of the treasurer for his personal use. Thus the committee could not do much for the temple gods, but often engaged in internecine quarrels. I remember an occasion when Dr. Karan Singh the former Sadr-e-Riyasat was on a visit to Kokernag, Anantnag, his favourite tour resort. On his way back while passing through our village, a handful of Hindus stopped him begging for some grant for the temple maintenance. He readily agreed and sent some money which the Committee members spent aimlessly in constructing a Dharamshalla. Interestingly the building was never used for any religious occasion and soon after its erection was given to the government for the village primary school at a monthly rent of Rupees Eight. After a few years, when the building decayed for want of repair, no one knew how much rent was realized and where it was spent. Someone within the community had skimmed the rental for nearly three decades till 1990, when all of them had to leave the village.

The inter-communal relations in our village were always harmonious at popular level, as was the case generally in Kashmir. On all social and religious occasions the Pandits and Muslims shared pain and pleasure. Most of the times, when death visited the Pandit community, whether in summer or snow clad winter, the Muslims would immediately cut wood for the cremation; a service offered without expecting any reward or compensation. On religious occasions like Hawan Yega or marriage ceremonies, it was for the Muslim men to organize the basic necessities while their women sung the songs of love and blessings. Besides, all the religious festivals were celebrated with a mutual bond and greetings. I remember when the militancy in Kashmir was at peak, Sonawullah Ganai, affectionately called Suna, helped a Hindu family to move out from the village safely and never revealed it to anyone, even his family. However, there are occasions in Kashmir’s history which are characterized as tension ridden between the two communities.

One interesting aspect that is often picked up by the Kashmiri Pandits as a strong proof of violence committed against them is the mass conversion during Sultan Sikandar’s reign (A.D. 1389-1413) which was both voluntary and forcible. Strangely, the force exercised during the conversion process was exercised by Suha Bhata, a Hindu who was loyal officer of the Sultan Sikandar. The consequence of force was the migration of a large number of Kashmiri Pandits to the neighbouring regions, some of whom returned when Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin (A.D.1420-1470) invited them back.

Even if the most subjective contemporary source; Jonaraja’s Rajatarangini, is believed, no one was persecuted or killed for refusing to accept Islam. The Bhakti saint Poetess Laleshwari, popularly known as Lal Ded, who was contemporary to the period does not mention any instance of force used to convert people. There was also no public protest against the force, if at all it was used. When we view the conversion in larger academic perspective one finds large gaps in Jonaraja’s argument of ‘use of force’. From 14^th century until modern times there are no commentaries about it even though every aspect of Kashmir’s history is recorded by both Hindu and Muslim scholars as well as poets and writers.

Despite this, the mass conversion does become a strong reference point on all occasions of private discussions among the Pandits. Unfortunately every Pandit adds his emphasis to the subject as if he was personally witness to Sultan Sikandar’s reign and poses as if he is the custodian of all the historical facts of that age. Sultan Sikandar is branded as butshikan (idol breaker), though it was king Harsha, a Shavite who indulged in breaking the idols and perpetrated worst crimes against the Pandit community. But Sikandar’s reign was retained by the popular memory and passed on from generation to generation because it marginalized the one religious community and founded the other. From fourteenth century whatever problems were faced by the Pandit community they were linked to the developments that facilitated the marginalization and conversion. However, this was only being talked among the literate urban Pandits; among the rural Pandits it was unheard of until recent times. In the post migration phase from 1990, the Pandit community irrespective of rural-urban divide have been forced to explore their past. The unconsciously communal ones among them pick up Sultan Sikandar’s reign to illustrate the Muslim attitude as anarchic, not knowing that empirically it has no basis.

In modern Kashmir, 1931 could be considered the year that led to significant Hindu-Muslim tensions. That year, the Muslim conference was founded; a consequence of impact of colonial modernization and urbanization of Muslims on the global scale. In Lahore a number of Anjumans or associations were founded to take up the socio-religious reformation of the Muslim society, which ultimately could not escape assuming political colour. One such association, Anjuman-i- Kashmir Lahore, which finally founded Muslim Conference in Kashmir, interpreted the Dogra rule over Kashmiris as Hindu rule exploiting Muslims. This was in utter disregard to the class structure in Kashmir polity, but when this interpretation reached Kashmir, it catalyzed the Muslim protests against the Dogra Raj. The Urban Pandits, who largely benefited from the Dogra Raj and wanted it to perpetuate, grew sceptical and suspicious. As the positions became defined and entrenched, some elements of the Muslim Conference indulged in loot and plunder against the Pandit and Punjabi shopkeepers mainly in Maharaj Gunj, in Srinagar and couple of towns reflecting arrogance of majoritarianism. Once the National Conference stemmed from the Muslim conference, it also began to voice public protests against the Jagirdari system, the beneficiaries of which were mostly Urban Pandits and few Sayyid families. The two families who owned large number of the jagirs in Kashmir, as per archival records, were those of Sham Sundar Lal Dhar and Sayyid Ahmad Shah. Political slogans were mixed up with rumours and conjecture that reinforced minority psyche among Hindus of Srinagar. However, the majority of people in rural Kashmir remained unconcerned.

The Hindu-Muslim relations stood the test of the epoch making year 1947, when tens of thousands perished in mutual clashes all over India. Kashmir remained uninfluenced by the rabid communalism which Mahatma Gandhi acknowledged as ‘a ray of hope’. The Muslims acted as a shield for Pandits even when the tribal raiders from Pakistan were wreaking havoc across the valley. The testing time returned in 1966, when Moy-e-Muqaddas (Prophet Muhammad’s hair) disappeared from the Hazratbal mosque. Lots of rumours were manufactured to deepen the conflict between the two communities which did create some fissures, but as soon as Moy-e-Muqaddas was found everything returned to calm.

A year later, when a Kashmiri Pandit girl, Parmeshwari married a Kashmiri Muslim, it generated a lot of resentment and protest among Pandits. The Parmeswari case had a very bad impact on Pandits, as they started gravitating towards communalism consciously. This was due to the fact that the urban elites of the Pandits began to invoke communal tendencies among rural Pandits by evolving small associations among them in almost every area. From mid-1970s, Hindu communalism became pronounced in urban areas and some rural towns like Anantnag, Shopian, Pulwama, Pattan etc. and the Pandits started identifying themselves with the Hindu reactionary ideology of mainland India.

Around the same time the Jama’at-e-Islami began to spread its tentacles- first in urban areas and thence to the rural Kashmir. Rising Jama’at influence forced the local and traditional Islam into retreat. With the spread of education, the Jama’at influence started to root itself firmly in the rural heartland, challenging the centuries old common and eclectic practices. From mid 1970s, Kashmiri festivals like Urs or Vorus that used to be a great occasion of rejoicing for the rural Kashmiris cutting across the religious communities started to be circumvented or altogether disappearing as it was pronounced un-Islamic. Life started a dissent, as the Jama’at saw every aspect of Kashmiri life and legacy from the politicized version of Islam. Some of the well educated among Muslims in teaching profession also began to preach the ideology of Jama’at perhaps thinking that they were doing service to the religion and community; but it ended up making the youth regimented. I remember when an acquaintance, Abdul Salam Dand of Nagam Breng, began to associate with the activities of Jama’at. A mediocre as a teacher, he facilitated the construction of a mosque in one corner of my peaceful village. The mosque never attracted much nimazis or worshippers, but it became a main reason for breaking the age-old bonds between the two communities. He did nothing for the poor villagers, but made it a point to get the electricity cut from the village when Pakistan lost a cricket match.

A defining moment in the Hindu-Muslim relations was perhaps in February 1986 When the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi ordered the opening of Babri Masjid doors in Ayodhya. This prompted a group of Muslim thugs patronized by the pro-India politicians and they attacked the Hindu temples in village Vanpoh, Lokbhawan, Bijbehara and at few other places in Anantnag district. Although, no one was killed but many Hindu families were harassed. I remember the grandson of Shree Ram Ji, of Boogam in Village Vanpoh who was physically handicapped was dragged out of his house when he could not run away; in many houses, household items were destroyed if not looted. The occasion was used by opposition political party workers to weaken the ruling party by indulging in the riots. Although, the situation returned to normalcy within a few days, it shook the entire Pandit community giving way to an unexplainable unease. Many resourceful Pandits from Srinagar and other urban areas started buying land and homes in Jammu and Delhi thinking that Kashmir was heading for some unknown trouble. The Hindu reactionary political parties from Indian mainland were quick to cash the situation by rushing the pack of a couple of truck loads of aid including some food items, blankets etc for the affected families but their local representatives misappropriated it. However, it did register the linkages of local community with main land Hindu reactionary forces.
The wedge created by the communalist forces on the both sides led to a slow but certain drift. Consequently, both the communalisms gained currency and got legitimized. One needs to look at the greater picture of the Asian politics at the time, when Hindu and Muslim communalism received wider political patronage percolating the divisive ideas down to the popular level. This played significant role in distancing the relations between the two communities.

The major crisis that shook the very basis of the Kashmiri social and political set-up was the mass militant resistance of early 1990s. It led to a severe crisis for the Pandits as many of them got killed and they had to leave the place en masse. I know my Muslim friends do acknowledge it with tears in their eyes but no one was in a position to stop it as it accompanied armed struggle with international linkages and ramifications. It is equally painful for me to record that Muslims also suffered immensely and continue to do so. But personally speaking, the pain of losing one’s homeland is severe than any other catastrophe. The popular Pandit perception is that Muslims suffered because they were supporting the armed struggle for independence while the Hindus had nothing to do with the movement and thus were caught unawares.

Historically, most of the complaints of Pandits and their perceptions against Muslims were shaped by the change from Hinduism to Islam. In the post-14^th Centaury scenario, Pandits felt marginalized due to their dwindling numbers, resulting in socio-psychological insecurity that continued ever since. They imposed minority psyche upon themselves which was reinforced whenever there was some tension, large or small. Under the circumstances, any inquiry into the history or social conditions that negated or challenged the popular belief and perceptions is not only prohibited but strongly resisted. This has also led to various problems, not only in understanding the trajectory of the community in its real spirit, but also its relationship with the Muslims.

I remember one occasion in August 1998 when I was in the United States to attend the world Anthropological Congress in Williams Burg, I was invited to address a gathering of expatriate Kashmiri Pandits associated with the Overseas Kashmiri Association in Washington for a lecture about the history of Kashmir. My lecture was seen as a ‘deviation’ from popular lore and provoked many questions which I answered to the best of my knowledge. Soon after, nearly hundred emails were sent across by a few participants abusing me for not having criticized Islam and Kashmiri Muslims for all that was happening in Kashmir since 1990s. This according to them was the main reason for the Kashmir crisis and the migration of Pandits. The discussion degenerated and I had to face the ‘representatives’ of my ‘own’ community a couple of days later while delivering the prestigious Buddh Dillon Memorial lecture in California. These ‘representatives’ raised questions that were in no way related to the delivery of the memorial lecture, but I patiently answered them with all the facts at my disposal. Later, I even reasserted my position through India and West newspaper. However, the flow of emails continued, reflecting ignorance of the participants about their own history and culture. One of the participants, Mr. Vijay Sazawal [former President, Indo-American Kashmir Forum], who was not even present in my lecture in Washington characterized me a “communist of post naxalite brand” and attributed, what he perceived my radicalness, to my career as a researcher at the Jawaharlal Nehru University. It was only when Dr. Autar Mattoo, a Kashmiri Plant Scientist and couple of other academician friends voiced their feelings, the cheap conversation on the Internet stopped.

I could understand that the ordinary people whom I characterize as popular level in the Kashmiri society are not communal whether they are Hindus or Muslims, but it is a very small section that unfortunately considers itself as the undeclared guardian of Kashmiri society both among Muslims and Hindus. As far as my understanding of Kashmiri society goes I have found that whenever Hindu-Muslim tensions emanated, they never had any theological background nor did they surface in Kashmir’s rural society which constitutes the majority.

The last two decades (1988-2008) signify a very dark period in their relationship in the entire history of Kashmir. But even when the crises were at its peak in 1990, and the Pandits were left with nothing after migrating to Jammu and other Indian cities, their Muslim villagers had opened hearts and brought them their choicest delicacies - goat and lamb meat, famous Kashmiri spinch - haakh, Al- hachea and Nadur. My friends came from all parts of the Kashmir valley to my residence in Hyderabad to meet me and enquire about my welfare almost every year. These include Abdul Ahad Vakil, former speaker of Jammu and Kashmir Assembly, Professor Mohammad Ishaq Khan, Kashmiri Intellectual, Mohammad Yusuf Tarigami, politician, and a host of other friends.

Though, there is no resolution to the crisis in Kashmir in sight, it has offered both the communities great mobility within and outside India. Since the Pandits migrated a little earlier, they seem to have benefited more. But they have starved culturally and miss their natural environment, the freedom they enjoyed and above all their relationship with their Muslim brethren. When they migrated to Jammu in the early 1990’s, all their myths about co-religionism were totally demystified. Their small children were not accommodated in the same schools, had to avail evening shifts and still were not allowed to share the space in school laboratories etc. even though the state was being governed by the same government. No sympathy of any sort was shown to them in the Jammu even though they were under the impression that they will be part of larger Hindu community. They quickly realized the relevance of their cultural roots which goes back to Kashmir’s antiquity.

Professor Rattan Lal Hangloo is the Chair of Indian Studies at the University of West Indies at St. Augustine Campus, Trinidad and Tobago.is author of several books including ‘The State in Medieval Kashmir’.