Kashmir Affairs - Security & Conflict Analysis of Kashmir

J&K: Beginning of the Endgame

Gautam Navlakha
21 August 2008

Having scored a self-goal by its acts of omission and commission it will be difficult for Indian state to push the genie of freedom back into the bottle of indifference. Once an idea grips the imagination of people it becomes a material force. The idea of azadi from India has truly resurfaced with a passion. On the other hand by privileging fight against armed militancy and pretending that popular aspirations for freedom from India had waned Indian state became victim of its own disinformation and remained disinclined to take people seriously. Talks with Mirwaiz Omar Farooq led Hurriyet, never popular with the people, were stalled while crackdown on dissidents rose. There was no movement of any kind which suggested that Indian state was at all sincere about fulfilling any of the promises and assurances it had been making. Let alone release political prisoners arbitrary arrests of political dissidents and defenders of democratic rights, some of who were targets of attacks, have carried on.

Until recently it was claimed that militancy had petered out, but that the threat of infiltration remained. As a matter of fact number of infiltration bids has sharply declined; officially in 2001 it was said to be 2417 and declined to 311 in 2007. Up to May 2008 it was said to be 120. Indian government also claimed a seventy percent decline in militancy related incidents between 1990 and 2007, from 3500 to 1000 incidents. Firing incidents came down from 671 to 183. Bomb explosions declined from 1000 to just 50. Killings of civilians declined from 914 to 153. (The Tribune, 12 December, 2007). However, official propaganda claims that ISI was up to its old trick. Albeit it was said that situation has reached “normal level”. That people are participating in existing political process and shunning ‘separatists’. Besides, ceasefire was being observed by India and Pakistan along the LOC since November 2003 resulting in ending mortar shelling and a fall in infiltration. Of course firing across LOC did take place but Indian army’s role in setting up a forward post in violation of ceasefire at Nowgam sector has been ignored. (Parvez Bukhari in the Mail Today   August 1, 2008) As a final proof it was claimed that non-militancy related crimes have shot up! Arguably, statistics can be manipulated. But if the Indian government was itself downplaying militancy then why were they fighting shy over troop reduction? The former Governor SK Sinha boasted that in 2002 there were 10 casualties per day which came down to below 2 per day when he departed. Whereas number of militants operating varies from between150-1200.

Obviously, all this meant was that Indian military no longer faced a magnitude of threat which called for obtrusive presence 24x7 by 700,000 armed personnel. Yet they go on expanding and occupying land. So how do they justify their presence? The arrogant claim is that Indian military is here to protect the people from “cross border terrorists”. But when this, as per their own claim, no longer can be sustained then it is clear that India’s enemy’s remains inside J&K and who by their very religious identity are perceived to be real or potential supporters of Pakistan. Therefore, suspect in the eyes of the Indian state and a demonized projection of the movement becomes necessary. The perception of anyone demanding ‘azadi’ as being anti-national and pro-Pakistani may have been a part of disinformation campaign but it has deep roots and it suits Indian state to remain in the victim mode. So much so that Union home secretary recently forgot that by accusing Pakistan for fomenting trouble in the valley he was implicitly foregrounding the incompetent role played by a bloated and pampered security apparatus in India. Surely if Pakistan can bring lakhs of people out on the roads of Indian held Kashmir there is lot to be said for the ineptitude of the Indian state. If this is what policy makers want us Indians to believe then they obviously feel Indian people are gullible. One can not expect good sense or ‘good faith’ (the mantra to wash off all sins) to prevail under these circumstances.

It could be that authorities feel confident in restoring authority of the Indian state as time passes because livelihood concerns can come in the way of mass mobilization. But the point is not how long the movement can sustain itself. Or whether squabbling leaders will manage to de-rail the momentum. This could be wishful thinking on part of the Indian state. Political mood of the people has already been displayed. That such mass mobilization was possible for so many days shows that it can be repeated. Routine life will return. However, periodic public rallies will continue to take place. Thus it will be presumptuous to read routine life as a return to normalcy. In other words this upsurge has unambiguously displayed the organized and self-managed popular desire to be free of India. This is not going to dissipate anytime soon.

The agitation which began in June over “diversion” of forest land for Amarnath Yatra has proceeded beyond it. The issue of 800 kanals which brought people out in June has been overtaken by demand for ‘azadi’ caused by their sense of insecurity at the communal attitude of the security forces and their vulnerable dependence on New Delhi for their physical well being. When a State ceases to present itself as protector of the beleaguered and unable to ensure free flow of movement on highways and transportation of supplies of essential commodities, despite extraordinary presence of Indian army on the highway, then fear fuelled by this dependent relationship overtakes other considerations. It is here that Indian State’s abysmal role, especially of its law enforcing agencies, which failed to stop the agitators in Jammu, Kathua and Udhampur from fomenting communal divide and blocking the National Highway for nearly three weeks, which enraged a people whose right to life was imperiled even as their suffering has been belittled by the Indian state and its ‘good ‘people. (1)

Economic Blockade
The report presented by the J&K police to the all party delegation on August 10 speaks of “(a)gitation started blocking the National Highway repeatedly with a view to obstruct supplies to valley including LPG, oil, petrol, diesel etc”. And went on to say that “(m)any incidents of attacks on Highway on individual vehicles and supply load carriers…(and) beating of drivers created a sense of insecurity…”. Deniability of the blockade by New Delhi is astounding because it flies in the face of people’s own experience of shortage as well of the police department of J&K. Why is it that fruit merchants of Delhi’s Azadpur mandi say that in the first fifteen days of August only 124 fruit trucks reached the market as against 814 in the same period in August 2007? If it was not a result of blockade then how come it took 19 days, from July 25 to August 14, for Avtar Singh (truck # PB 08 0997) carrying medical supplies from Jalandhar for SMHS hospital Srinagar,? (Greater Kashmir, August 15, 2008) Or how come five drivers were attacked in Kathua when they were part of an army convoy on 17 August going to Delhi. (Rising Kashmir, August 20, 2008) There are stories a galore in valley press. Let alone this leader of a Jammu based transport association Ashok Nanda told the Tribune (August 21, 2008) that Kashmir valley will soon face acute shortage of food grains because four out of six FCI depots are running out of stocks. According to him normally 200 trucks use to daily carry food grains to the valley now less than 20 trucks are plying. If this is not a form of blockade then what is. Worrying part of this is the fact that this is happening when the Indian state cries shrill that there has been no economic blockade!

Besides, if the situation is normal, and there has never been any blockade, why is the army out on the highway since August 4? And why despite the presence of army, attacks continue to take place? Surely their presence is unnecessary and in fact contributing to choking civilian traffic on the two lane highway? Again why were Jammu’s BJP leaders publicly declaring their intent to starve people in the valley in order to ‘teach them a lesson’? Why was no action taken against them? Why is it that out of the 1171 persons arrested, including those who probably lynched the two J&K police constables, Zakir Husian and Zafar Javed, all were given bail? It is also important to ask why second rung leaders of the agitation in Kashmir have been charged with waging war, sedition and criminal conspiracy when no such acts were invoked against the Jammu agitators. Why is it that out of 129 cases registered by the police in Jammu region none were under any draconian law or provision? Does it mean that agitators who carry Indian tricolour, but engage in mayhem are to be treated with compassion, whereas those who remain unarmed and peaceful but carry green flags are persecuted because they dare to demand freedom from India? Why is it that out of 10,513 incidents that took place in Jammu region 10,098 incidents took place in Hindu majority areas of Jammu (3758), Kathua (2270), Udhampur (1850) and Riyasi (740)?   Does it make it a regional movement or in fact a movement confined to predominately Hindu areas? Is it a regional movement that is driving Muslims to move out of   Hindu majority areas? Is it not fear that drives them to take this step? Is this unaided migration not a bigger blot on India’s constitutional democracy? Is it alright to abuse the ‘separatists’ for migration of Kashmiri Pandits from the valley even when the Indian state provided them ‘safe passage’? But to be mute when Muslims start fleeing their home and hearths in Jammu driven by Hindu fanatic mobs and hostile security forces?

So obvious is the patronage and protection extended to the rabble rousers in Jammu that it is astonishing that otherwise sensitive people did not once speak out for years against permission granted to Bajrang Dal and VHP   to hold weapon training camps in Jammu, which is a Disturbed Area. They publicly display weapons during their rallies including in Jammu city but violation of Arms Act is condoned. Let alone authorities even the ‘good’ people choose to look the other way. They can go and disrupt press conferences at will anywhere in Jammu but no harm ever comes to them. Ninety per cent of the 25,000 members of the Village Defence Committees in Doda district, (with 60-40% Muslim-Hindu ratio) are armed Hindus. How many of them are members of right wing extremist groups is anybody’s guess. But that there are a large number with such leaning bodes ill for the people.

Finally, the sharp contrast between how Jammu agitators were met by security forces and how trigger happy they were in Kashmir drives home the hostile nature of Indian government forces towards predominately Muslim people. In one go all that was being claimed about normalcy having been restored evaporated before the heat of people’s anger. That foundation of normalcy was tenuous was never understood by the charmed circle of policy and decision makers.

So let us list two blunders committed by the Indian state in recent times in J&K.

The Issue of Land
It requires no rocket science to realise that involuntary alienation of land in general, and cultivable one in particular, will enrage people. This turns into fury when land is acquired for armed security personnel who maintain an intrusive presence among civilians designed to control their public and private lives, and indeed even “transform their will and attitude” as is the case in J&K. Publicly Indian state pretended it was heeding the public feeling which wanted demilitarization when it setup a committee headed by India’s defense secretary to look into the demand. The incongruity of a huge presence of armed forces occupying large tracts of land even as the number of militants, said to be operating has officially come down to 1200, was bad enough. But by rejecting demilitarization, pull back of troops, reduction of troops etc in February last along with the new rents for acquired land announced by India’s Ministry of Defense ranging from 2.1 to 5 times is a way to buy silence of the people, for some more time. Which is all very well except that this sends a message that Indian armed forces are in no mood to vacate occupation of land and they are here for a long haul.

There are reportedly 671 security forces camps in J&K (excluding those in Jammu, Kargil, Leh, Akhnoor and Udhampur) and these occupy 90,000 acres of farm and orchard land and 1500 buildings. But the appetite for acquiring land continues to grow. For instance in saffron rich Lethapora in Pampore tehsil, where no construction is permitted under state laws, the CRPF has demanded 5000 kanals for its group headquarters. Indian army is demanding 10,000 kanals for expansion of Army’s Kundroo Filed Ammunition Depot (FAD). Besides, Indian Air Force which possesses 850 acres in Awantipora has asked for 763 acres of additional land. Army which was given 212 acres in Sharifabad in exhange for vacating 139 acres of Tattoo Grounds Garrison in Srinagar has taken possession of 100 acres at Sharifabad but refuses to budge from Tattoo ground! In the Cattle Research Centre at Manasbal spread over 352 acre army in 1990 first asked to set up few bunkers. Then built barracks and laid claim to 252 acres of the land in 2005. Furthermore, the annual Landmine Report 2007 states that about 160 sq kms in Jammu and 1730 sq kms land remain mined. Speaker of J&K Assembly recently pointed out that 3500 acres of agricultural land in his constituency Chamb (Jammu) have been mined and 6000 families displaced. J&K Tourism minister told media on October 19, 2007 about army violated Master Plan for Gulmarg and without requisite permission “(t)hey have occupied 400 acres of land on which they have raised huge concrete structures”. (The Asian Age October 20, 2007)

Thus new rent structure may even be a precursor of occupation of more land. For instance, until recently the Ministry of Home Affairs set a standard of 75 acres of land per battalion for central paramilitary forces. Now the MHA has asked these forces to acquire 150 acres of land per bn. This is being done under the argument that this will enable better housing facility for the jawans and also allow these forces to set up schools and hospitals for the family of the jawans as well as local population. With average size of family being 5.5 even if 100,000 soldiers bring their families then population of such people will go up by several lakhs. Could this be an indirect way of demographic transformation? (2)

Having said this let us consider certain hidden facts which lurks behind the rent hike. The previous levels from which rent has been increased were pathetically low. So two or five times increase must be tempered by this fact. For instance Class I category of irrigated land the rent was previously Rs 1125 per kanal per year, which now has been increased to Rs 3381 per kanal. For double cropped irrigated land the rent was Rs 1688 per kanal and has been increased to Rs 4087. For orchards the rent earlier was Rs 1575 and has been increased to Rs 10,000 per kanal.

For another the rent increase does not take into account the loss suffered by those whose land is thus alienated. To get an idea one has to consider some other figures. One kanal of apple orchard is officially said to have 12 trees although upto 18 is not uncommon. This translates into 300 to 360 boxes of fruit. The income varies from Rs 1.2 to 1.5 lakhs. As for walnut one kanal is said to have 6 to 8 trees. Income from this could be anywhere between Rs 4.25 to 6 lakhs. If the land is used for paddy cultivation between 50-70 quintals is the norm and the earning varies between Rs 90,000 to Rs 125,000. (One quintal fetches Rs 1800). Thus the offer of Rs 10,000 per kanal for orchard is very low. Depending upon the fruit or crop it could be less than 2 and at best no more 10% of the actual income. Thus the rent does not compensate the farmers for the loss of income. Put it another way farmers or orchard owners are subsiding the deployment of armed forces.

This by no means is all. This land also provides employment. It is well known that largest source of employment in J&K is agriculture and horticulture. Remove this land from cultivation that much less earning and lesser number of jobs become available. Seen in this light the pitiable rent being offered is a fraction of the earning and its spin off also includes decline in employment. Besides, even if 10% of the total cropped area of 1,126.000 acres or 9 million kanal in J&K is removed from production it means, for an economy so dependent on agriculture and horticulture as that of J&K, a huge loss. All these losses are not calculated. (3)

This context of how angry people are over occupation of their land and Indian State’s attempts to buy silence through rent hikes provides the background in which SASB landed itself.

Revisit Nitish Sengupta Committee
Indian state’s biggest blunder on Amarnath was to promote a Hindu Shaivite pilgrimage as a patriotic enterprise forgetting the constitutional truth that all Hindus are not Indians and all Indians are not Hindus. And, therefore, religious affiliation is irrelevant. Also instead of building on local Muslim participation in the yatra, including sharing one third of offering with the Malik familes, it chose to endorse the Hindu extremist agenda of creating Hindu stakeholders in J&K.
In order to understand the magnitude of the blunder committed by Indian State let us begin by taking a look at salient features of the Amaranath issue which first stoked fire of resentment. Shri Amaranath Shrine Board (SASB) set up by the National Conference in 2000, comprised non state subjects, presided over by Hindu governor, saw itself as being a sovereign body accountable to no one and went ahead to takeover an entire area to prepare for larger and larger turnout of pilgrims. Under clause 16(d) of the SASB Act authorized them to carry out ‘development activity concerning the area of shrine and its surroundings’. Using this, as well as Jammu High Court’s pronouncement that everything being done by the board will be deemed to be done in ‘good faith’, SASB began to make demands which were resented. Worse they pretended to be a body which was virtually unaccountable to any institution. Recall the infamous statement of CEO of SASB on January 1, 2008 wherein he claimed that the legislature has no authority to question SASB ar for them to answer their queries. And yet the SASB, it is said, was set up on the basis of the recommendation of the Dr Nitish Sengupta Committee (1996)? A reading of the report makes it abundantly clear that the committee’s recommendations were scrupulously ignored.
For instance, SASB was not tasked with micro managing the yatra or to turn it into an all Hindu affair from which Muslims were to be kept away. Among the various acts of governor SK Sinha was to summarily discontinue the traditional role of the Malik family as protector of the shrine and their right to get one third of the offering. And instead of regulating and restricting the number of pilgrims SASB went in to overdrive to make it for a longer duration and for larger and larger numbers. Non state subjects were being engaged for all kinds of services traditionally performed by the local population both Kashmiri Muslims and Pandits.
So what were Nitish Sengupta committees main recommendations?
Setup after the 1996 Amarnath Yatra Tragedy in which 205 yatris and 25 porters and security personnel lost their lives the report emphasized that “the pilgrimage to Amarnath is not just pilgrimage but high altitude mountaineering” (p 54). It wanted a minimum age of 15 and maximum of 65 for yatris. (p 55) The report repeatedly makes the point that at this altitude, the hazardous nature of the track and uncertain weather number of pilgrims and period of yatra has to be strictly regulated. “It has to be emphasized here that carrying capacity of this pathway of about 32 kms (between Chandanwari and the holy cave) is extremely limited. It passes all along at very high altitude, well above the tree line and through areas with no human habitation”. (p 5) For eight months of the year there is snow and formation of ice lingam, nautral stalagmite, begins only by June.

In this sense Amarnath yatra cannot be compared with any other pilgrimages and the closest parallel can be drawn with Kailsah Mansarovar in Tibet and Gomukh in Uttarakhand. At both Kailash Mansarovar   and Gomukh the period of pilgrimage is restricted and the numbers regulated. System of ceiling on number is practiced at Vashnodevi also where a cap of 20,000 per day is in place. In fact Nitish Sengupta on page 52 of the report says that “(a)long with the regulation of the total number of pilgrims to about 1 lakh during the 30 day period, we should also regulate the maximum number of people who can be permitted at any point of this journey at any given time”. And adds “we could lay down a ceiling of 3000 pilgrims that can be permitted to travel on any of these sectors in a single day”. (Three sectors are Chandawanri to Sheshnag; Sheshnag to Panjtarani and Panjtarani to the Cave).

It also called for restricting havan performance at the Holy Cave since they “pollute the purity of the atmosphere and also constitute fire hazard”. (p58) The report opposed proposal for making road from Chandawari to Sheshnag and then up to Panjtarani motorable. Because “(a)llowing the motor vehicles to go into this area will not only damage the environment of these areas, but will also spoil the pristine scenic charm of these mountains and valleys.” (p 60) But SASB has gone beyond and introduced helicopter services for pilgrims which is a source of major concern. It was evident that the meltdown of the ‘lingam’ within fifteen days of yatra this year was contributed by presence of huge numbers of yatris and the helicopter services. The critical importance of protecting the ecology of this area can not be underplayed when it is realized that while tourists come and go local inhabitants depend on the water and land for their life and livelihood. Any damage to the ecology could prove fatal for them, which is what pollution of Lidder river by SASB’s unregulated promotion of yatra and destruction of the ecology of Nunwan valley threatens to bring about.
The report proposed that administration of the yatra should be handed over to the department of tourism, as is the case in every other state of India where religious tourism comes under the purview of the tourism department of the respective states. They wanted that local tentwallahs should be allowed to offer accommodation and dhaba owners provide food for yatris. (p 62). Moreover, in so far as the high powered board was concerned the committee recommended that the CM should be the chairperson. The board was to supervise the yatra and prepare strategic plan for providing facilities.
As of now 2204 kanals, of which 1500 kanals is forest land (and from which 800 kanals were to be “diverted” to SASB for temporary use) are being used for yatris in Baltal route. This land includes 56 kanals of private land including a graveyard. In other words not only must SASB Act be amended to make its membership local but its powers must be delimited and the yatra be regulated with restricting the number of yatris to one lakh. Or else devout Hindus can bid goodbye to the health of the area for posterity.

Communal Prejudice or Jingoism of Officials
Next blunder was in persisting with a Governor who flouted all constitutional norms and pushed Hindutva agenda. One person is like tree in a forest but a constitutional position of governor and his continuance is reflection of Indian state’s policy. Were one to go through what former Governor SK Sinha said in his Field Marshal Cariappa memorial lecture on August 16, his Hindutva proclivities are self-evident. It was his great contribution that Centre for Kashmir Studies, set up in Kashmir University, uses 13^th century as the cut off date thereby history of Kashmir’s Hindu past is studied but not its Islamic present’s past. This was his understanding of ‘kashmiriyat’. And it was his principal secretary, who officiated as CEO of the board, who went out of his way to insist that land was “permanently” transferred to the board and insisted that “as the population of India will increase we will have to consider further extension of the yatra period”. (Greater Kashmir June 18, 2008).

The fact that Indian state allowed him to do whatever he wished was perhaps no accident. Once a movement is demonized, passing it off as a form of ‘proxy war’ being waged by Pakistan, and underplaying the role of the Indian state including crimes committed by Indian security forces then next stop is manipulating people’s minds. Such has been the nature of Indian state’s attempt to manage people’s will, ‘turn it around’ as the army’s doctrine on small war proposes that killings of 209 Hindus and Sikhs and migration of about two lakhs Kashmiri Pandits is played up but by far the larger picture of killings by Indian security forces remains shrouded in obscurity in the name of “national interest”. Not much is ever said about the 70,000 Muslim killings, arrest and torture of at least 60,000 persons, 33 recorded massacres, disappearance of 8-10,000, uncovering of mass graves in just one Uri sector, cross firing, encounters, custodial deaths….. Even where relief and rehabilitation is concerned the promptness with which New Delhi announced compensation for one Kuldeep Kumar who committed suicide in Jammu is unmatched by anything they announced through 19 years of war to the families of Indian government’s forces atrocities. Did one hear of any compensation for the 34 killed and 500 injured or property damaged by the India security forces in just 48 hours?

In fact it is strange that despite entire Jammu and Kashmir region being “disturbed” whereas in Jammu security forces waited for executive magistrate to issue orders to open fire, in the valley no such procedure was followed. It is instructive that Indian army called in 4500 soldiers from 9 corps in Himachal Pradesh because they did not want 334,000 soldiers deployed in counter insurgency duties in the valley to be disturbed? This sleigh of hand meant that these 4500 troops belonging to 9^th Corps operated under magistrate’s order and not under AFSPA as in a ‘disturbed’ area. On the other hand, the sorry spectacle of highly communalized CRPF forces entering hospitals, firing tear gas shells inside them, (a war crime under Geneva Convention), opening fire which targeted head and chest, non-use of rubber bullets, venting their anger by destroying properties on several localities in Srinagar……and yet their crime of excessive use of force and violation of their constitutional pledge did not bring Indian people out on the streets in solidarity with those who have suffered most and continue to suffer.

It is in the midst of this reality that economic blockade is located. Long and short of it is that Indian state has become its own worst enemy. There is no point blaming Pakistan, fundamentalists, human rights activists and usual alibis used by the Indian state. It is time we acknowledge that ‘national security’ paranoia cannot hide the reality that Muslims of J&K have no confidence in the Indian state. The march to Muzzafarabad was not rhetoric or a drama enacted but something that emerged from this palpable sign of fear and was perceived as one way in which J&K’s dependence on India could be reduced. In any case Jammu-Srinagar highway is an artificial link and by itself unsuited for 21^st century said to be an era of ‘globalisation’.

In this sense we are back to square one. And just as well. Because this time there are no militants but people out on the streets. Indian state and India’s ‘good’ people can ignore this now at their own peril. Perhaps a bout of self-criticism, good for intellectual clarity, might be in order to ensure that at least now six decades of obfuscation and prevarication can be bid goodbye and the reality of popular aspiration for opting out of India be given its due. Instead of fearing right of self-determination it is time we embrace it because this offers us the only chance of a peaceful and democratic solution. It offers this to every state subject across the LOC divided Jammu and Kashmir as well as communally polarized Jammu and Kashmir an opportunity to make their wishes known. It is only when we know what people want that substantive negotiations can ensue. Until then the hoary resilience, euphemism for prolonged military suppression, displayed by Indian state, will carry on further aggravating the dispute. And people will continue to vote with their feet and fists against a forced union with India which threatens their fundamental right to life. While one wishes wiser counsel to prevail the truth is that 61 years of regression makes it abundantly clear that it is left to the people of India, and not the state, to force a change in Indian state’s policy towards the people of J&K.

1. Amidst all the claims of the Indian government that allegation of economic blockade being “bunkum” and Pakistan inspired propaganda, Ministry of Home Affairs has finally conceded that at least between July 31 to August 4 there were “disruptions” of supplies. One should be thankful for small mercies from the centre of obfuscation and extreme right wing pronouncements which is what MHA has become. (Mail Today August 19, 2008.) In fact going by the threat held out by All J&K Oil Tankers Association Jammu truckers will not load supplies for the valley if land issue is not resolved by August 20, 2008. (The Tribune 19, August 2008) And the fruit merchants of Delhi’s Azadpur Mandi have said that between 1-15 August in 2007 when 814 fruit trucks reached Delhi, this year in the same period only 124 trucks landed at Delhi. (The Hindustan Times 20 August, 2008).

2.It is worth noting that total land holding of the armed forces in India is approximately 1 mn acres. Recently the Indian Planning Commission of India had wanted army to part with 2 lakh acres of “surplus” land lying with 62 cantonments. This request was turned down and instead the army asked for an additional 2 lakh acres! The point is that neither armed forces are willing to part with land they occupy nor is their appetite for more land going to decline.

3. Just to provide an idea of the acute unemployment the J&K government which dealt harshly with 5000 state roadways employees for demanding back wages (they were not paid for five months) claiming they did not have money to pay them has lifted ban on filling vacancies on state employment, which they had imposed on March 5, 2008. Thereby 30,000 vacancies of which 4978 for gazetted posts, 20,000 non-gazetted posts and 7000 Class IV posts will get filled. The point to note is that state government which time and again delays payment of wages to some of its employees is now going to fill 30,000 posts. Where is the money going to come from? Thus on the one hand armed forces occupy cultivable land, which helps reduce food and fruit production and reduce employment. And on the other hand additional employment is being generated in the state sector even when they do not have the money to pay their salaries! The begging bowl syndrome will get strengthened. And Indian state can then go around propagating that they cover nearly 80% J&K’s expenditure. This feeds into the myth that J&K is incapable of meeting its own expenditure and to undercut the argument about the economic viability of J&K were they left alone. Thus create dependence and then flaunt it to rub the nose of people in the mud.